Majority of Malakand Taliban are outsiders: IDPs

Daily Times   07 May, 2009

ISLAMABAD: Majority of the Malakand Division’s IDPs sheltering in Rawalpindi says the Taliban in their areas are mostly not locals. The IDPs, who requested anonymity for security reasons, told Daily Times on Wednesday that the Taliban occupying their areas were Pushtun but they didn’t speak the local dialect.

They said some Taliban spoke Persian. They said the Taliban had engaged some ‘unemployed’ youth by giving them Rs 20,000 to Rs 30,000 a month and weapons, double cabin vehicles and sumptuous food. The IDPs said the Taliban had been freely moving in their areas for the last many years but police and security forces were ignorant to their activities.

A displaced person from village Ushri Dara, Dir, claimed that of late, the Taliban ordered the owners of mini trucks to gather at a place before transporting weapons and ammunitions to their bastion in the mountains in over 300 trucks. Another IDP from Lower Dir said the Taliban bought milk from one of his neighbours at a price higher than that of the market.

He claimed one morning the neighbour reached the milk delivery place before the stipulated time and saw the Taliban clean-shaven with long artificial beards in their hands. He said the Taliban beat up the milkman and warned him of ‘dire consequences’ if he reported the incident to anyone. Most of the IDPs opted not to speak against the Taliban. staff report

Humour

A letter from Pakistan / Princeton to President Obama

Thursday, May 07, 2009
By Sehar Tariq

I came to America at age 17 as a college freshman three weeks before 9/11. And when the world changed forever on that fateful day, I never realised the extent of it because I was sheltered by the loving arms of Mother Yale. She provided guarantees that no harm would come to my person despite the threats being issued nationwide to people of my religion and nationality. University President Richard Levin wrote a beautiful letter to parents assuring them of the efforts Yale would take to guarantee my safety and well-being. My parents tear up, even to this day, when they read this letter from a stranger promising to protect their only child. It was this selfless compassion of Americans that won my heart.

In the four years that I was a student at Yale, I benefited from a generous scholarship that probably came from donations made by American families and corporations. It was this unprecedented generosity that made me love America and its people. I write to you in the hope that you will enable more Pakistanis to see this side of America.

I write to you in the hope that you will show us how to achieve the American dream of justice and liberty for all and spare us the terror of the American bomb. I write to you in the hope of inspiring change within your government regarding its policies towards my country and its honest and hardworking people who fight your war and constantly live in the hope of change.
Your Af-Pak policy is no different from your predecessor’s. It’s dressed in more dollar bills and in the words of hope and change but we, the politically astute people of Pakistan, recognise that there really is no change. What your administration does not recognise is that we, the people, are inherently political. There is a reason why we have more news channels than entertainment channels. We might not have a 100 per cent literacy rate but we have a keen sense of history and we have not forgotten how your country has used us and then forsaken us in our times of greatest need. We are resilient and patriotic and love our country despite its warts. I hope you will change your policies towards Pakistan keeping in mind our propensity for politics and our patriotism.

We are a proud nation. Do not scold us. We are not errant children. We are a nation of 170 million people. Your rhetoric towards Pakistan must change. Rebukes from Senator Clinton will not win our hearts and minds. They will not urge us into further action on your behalf. The might of our mountains has sheltered your strategic interests for years. The muscle of our military has flexed on your behalf. The blood of our boys has fuelled your war. Give us the respect that you would a soldier in battle that shields your body with his own.
You continue to view this conflict through the lens of a military offensive. You see us as the enemy and not the ally. You send drones to bomb us. You kill one terrorist. You give birth to 20. You anger a hundred and seventy million. You have effectively alienated all those sections of the Pakistani population that would have given you support. How long will you stay to fight the terror and anger you constantly create?

The constant din of ‘do-more’ drowns out our strategic concerns. You strike controversial deals with India on sharing nuclear technology but will not give us favourable trade agreements to boost our industries. You exacerbate the regional power imbalance. Ignoring border dispute issues such as Kashmir and the Durand Line leaves fault lines in the region that will periodically lead to violence and instability. Use your regional power to resolve these disputes. Get the India-Pakistan peace process back on track. Regional stability is the key to global security. You cannot keep ‘India Shinning’ at the expense of Pakistan burning. Ignoring regional security concerns and power imbalances in the short term will exacerbate the potential for violent conflict in the long term.

You surround yourself with ‘experts’ on Pakistan but with no people who live amidst and understand this great mass of humanity. You talk to those who walk the corridors of influence in Washington but not those who form the real epicentres of power in Pakistan – its streets, its valleys and mountains. You continue to engage with the political and military leadership but ignore those who are the real forces of change – representatives of civil society, journalists, lawyers, Islamic scholars and students.

The politicised epicentres of power are throbbing with people ready to resist the forces of extremism. Historically, resistance to all kinds of injustice has come from these folk. It was the brave women of the Women’s Action Forum that first stood up to the barbaric rule of General Zia and its treatment of women to win women much needed rights. It was the lawyers who stood up to the injustice of the Musharraf regime for the rule of law. Our media is a force that can mobilise millions and mould the views of even more. Engage with our media. Train them and equip them. They will launch a media offensive against perpetrators of terror. Give our activists platforms to voice their concerns. They will rally the masses against the extremists. Give our young people scholarships and economic opportunities. They will be the force that drives away obscurantism and ushers in innovation, peace and prosperity.

But aid is not a long-term solution. Give us trade with dignity. Help us fuel the furnaces of our factories and revive our economy. Open your markets to our textiles. Give us trade agreements through which our businesses can generate jobs, increase our imports and strengthen our economy. European countries made such agreements with us post-9/11 but not the US. If we can be an ally in war then why can we not be a partner in business?
As long as your political engagement in Pakistan remains invested in individuals you will not succeed. Changing from Zardari to Nawaz is not a change of strategy. It’s a change of face. For far too long you have supported the politics of individuals at the cost of our institutions. Invest in our institutions. Invest in our businesses. Strong institutions will give the people the justice and liberty they seek. They will give you the security you need.
Today the Taliban sit 65 miles outside my home city of Islamabad. The people of Pakistan are ready to lock arms and battle this beast. The question is whether you will stand by the people of Pakistan in this battle on their terms or choose the Af-Pak policy of no hope and no change. You are either with us or against us – us the people – in whose veins the blood runs green not red! Pakistan Paindabad!
The writer is pursuing a master’s at Princeton University. Earlier, she attended Yale University. Email: stariq@princeton.edu

thenews

Obama’s Murderous Guest

 

by Fatima Bhutto

Fatima Bhutto is a graduate of Columbia University and the School of Oriental and African Studies. She is working on a book to be published by Jonathan Cape in 2010. Fatima lives and works in Karachi, Pakistan.

clip_image003

 

 

clip_image005

Besides ruining my country, I believe my aunt’s husband, Pakistani President Zardari, orchestrated my father’s murder. Is Obama really going to offer him billions more when they meet today?

Something rotten has arrived in Washington.

Today, President Barack Obama will shake hands and stage Oval Office photo ops for the first time with the man who many believe stole billions from the Pakistani treasury, empowered Pakistan’s newly formed Taliban by imposing Shariah law without a vote or referendum, and whom I have publicly accused of orchestrating the murder of my father, Murtaza Bhutto, an elected member of parliament until he was killed in 1996.

Pakistan has been at war with its own people for a long time now—perhaps it’s only natural that we move on to terrorizing the world at large.

My father was a vocal critic of both Pakistan’s former prime minister, Benazir Bhutto (his sister, my aunt), and her husband, current president Asif Zardari. He called Zardari and his cronies “Asif Baba and the 40 thieves,” and spoke out against the targeted killings of opposition members and activists by the state’s police and security forces. In the end, my father was slain in an extrajudicial assassination. The fact that he was seen, in a traditionally patriarchal society, as the heir to the Bhutto legacy didn’t make him any safer as Benazir’s second government began to lose power and international repute.

Now in Washington, the man who helped this happen will ask for money and the chance to cling to his dwindling power. Obama, in turn, will ask for results. That’s going to be a problem. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has called the situation in my country a threat to universal peace. Richard Holbrooke, Obama’s special envoy for Pakistan, has said our government is capable of fighting terror, but he also calls the region “AfPak” so he’s probably confused. President Obama hasn’t offered much of an opinion yet. He has noted that the civilian government has failed to provide its citizens with the most basic services. But he’s also suggested that some hard cash might help the Zardari government through its problems. No, it won’t.

Pakistan has been at war with its own people for a long time now—given the daily politics of persecution that the state machinery inflicts on its own citizens, perhaps it’s only natural that we move on to terrorizing the world at large. The Taliban is waiting at the gates. They are making inroads into the Punjab, the heart of the country, slowly but steadily. Swat has fallen. Buner district is gone, airstrikes or no airstrikes. Now this government has to go. It’s either them or Pakistan.

President Zardari is a man with a colorful history. He is known by many endearing epithets here in Pakistan: Mr. 10 Percent (a reference to kickbacks), Mr. 50 Percent, the First Spouse (twice), and President Ghadari, or “traitor” in Urdu. I might not be the right person to tell his story, given that I believe he was involved in my father’s murder. But, then again, I just might be in the best position to warn President Obama about him.

Last summer, as an odious bill called the National Reconciliation Ordinance expunged from his prison record the four murder cases pending against him—my father’s included—as well as various national and international corruption cases, Zardari prepared himself for power. He did so not only by wiping his criminal slate clean, but also by distancing himself from medical records that showed him to be “a man with multiple and severe physical and mental-health problems,”the Financial Times.

When Obama meets Zardari in Washington, he should remember that he is meeting not only with a dangerous man, but with an unelected official. Zardari never stood for elections in Pakistan. He has no constituency, no vote of support from the people, no democratic mandate. The “opposition,” the Pakistan Muslim League, is run by Zardari’s frenemy, Nawaz Sharif, also unelected—Pakistan, a nation of 180 million people, is at the mercy of two unelected men. President Obama has to decide this week whether he wants to foster democracy in Pakistan, or whether he wants to have a pliable government in power—a government, it bears noting, that is so inept it managed to grow a local Taliban.

Lest we forget, when Zardari took power last September, Pakistan didn’t have an indigenous Taliban. Now, a year into his rule, the Tehreek-e-Taliban not only exists in Pakistan, but controls the Northwest Frontier Province, frighteningly close to the Afghan border. The reason Pakistan’s government cannot fight the Taliban is not because Pakistan doesn’t have the money to fight terror. We do, plenty of it. By my last count, we’ve received some $12 billion in military aid over the last eight years. (It may not have gone where it was supposed to go, however. It might have ended up in someone’s Swiss bank account—no names, but we can guess.) And it’s not because Pakistanis are rabid fundamentalists elated by the arrival of an indigenous Taliban. That’s not it at all. Pakistan is a religiously diverse country—we have a history of Buddhist, Sikh, and Hindu heritage.

The reason is the leadership. It’s just not working. In the year that Zardari has been president, Pakistan has become a third front in the war on terror. We are not safer, our neighbors are not safer, and we have not made any strides toward fighting fundamentalism.

As much as America finds President Zardari repellent, we in Pakisan do, too. But you made him our president, and now you’re about to give him billions of dollars in aid. We cannot foster any democratic alternatives to Zardari while his government gets bucketloads of American money. Local activists, secular parties, and nascent opposition groups can’t fight that kind of money—it’s impossible to compete with a party that has access to billions of dollars. Pakistan is at a crossroads. We are either going to save our country from its descent into fundamentalism and lawlessness, or we are going to have Zardari as president, bolstered by American aid and support. The ball is in President Obama’s court today. Let’s hope he makes the right decision.

Fatima Bhutto is a graduate of Columbia University and the School of Oriental and African Studies. She is working on a book to be published by Jonathan Cape in 2010. Fatima lives and works in Karachi, Pakistan

Humour ??!!

 

 

Humour

Humour

 

 

Taliban and Pakistan Nukes